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, 2010; Purshouse et al., 2009, 2010). Alternatively, heavier consumers may respond to price increases by shifting consumption from more expensive and riskier locations (e.g., bars) to less expensive and safer locations (e.g., their own homes). Indeed, some of these same arguments may be made with reference to younger drinkers, who presumably have less discretionary income than adults. Because alcohol is an addictive substance and when consumed can have negative public health effects, increases in price have often been directly associated with decreased alcohol-related [http://www.selleckchem.com/products/Y-27632.html ROCK inhibitor] problems (Sloan et al., 1994). In April 1992, prices were deliberately increased by a nickel a drink in the Australian Northern Territory. Subsequent analyses indicated a significant decrease in road deaths (34.5%) and other mortality (23.4%) as well as traffic crashes requiring hospitalization (28.3%) (Stockwell and Gruenewald, 2001). In British Columbia, where the alcohol-control system has been partially privatized, government stores have maintained a uniform price floor; increases in price over time have been linked to decreases in alcohol-related mortality (Stockwell et al., 2011). The most comprehensive, recent summary of what is known about price effects (Wagenaar et al., 2010) identified 50 articles containing 340 estimates for alcohol-related disease and injury outcomes, violence, suicides, crashes, crime, and other misbehavior estimates. Across these studies, the authors concluded that doubling the alcohol tax reduced alcohol-related mortality by an average of 35%, traffic [http://www.selleckchem.com/products/AZD2281(Olaparib).html Selleck Olaparib] crash deaths [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bepotastine bepotastine] by 11%, sexually transmitted diseases by 6%, violence by 2%, and crime by 1.4%. One other means to modify prices to reduce drinking and related problems has been the establishment of minimum prices for alcohol. Gruenewald and colleagues (2006) examined the impacts of changes in price distributions across beverages sold in Sweden and showed that consumers substituted not only between beverage types but between qualities of beverages of the same type (e.g., from higher to lower priced beers). Using their empirical model as a basis, they showed that increased minimum prices would most efficiently reduce alcohol sales. Recently, the Scottish Parliament set a minimum of ?0.50 per 8 g unit of alcohol by April 2013. In addition, although there is a limited research base for assessing the effectiveness of this strategy for reducing use and problems, Stockwell et al. (2012) suggested that some reductions in sales and use followed from an increase in the minimum purchase price recently implemented in Alberta, Canada. Subsequent analyses of British Columbia data produced similar results (Stockwell et al., 2013). Distribution of alcohol Hours and days of sale.